Progressives Congress presidential campaign rally held at the Teslim Balogun Stadium, Lagos...on Friday | credits: AFP
A percentage of the crowd that turn up at election campaign rallies held by political parties for the forthcoming general elections is rented; investigations by SUNDAY PUNCH has shown.
Each of those contracted for the rallies are paid between N500 and N5,000.
It was learnt that the amount paid depends on the profile of the event, the distance of the venue and the calibre of people engaged.
The ruling Peoples Democratic Party and the major opposition party, All Progressives Congress, as
well as other parties has been making claims, especially on social media, that the huge crowd that turn up at their campaigns was a proof of their popularity.
SUNDAY PUNCH, however, learnt that women and youth groups, as well as 'elders' are hired in Akwa Ibom, Oyo, Abia,
In Uyo, a member of the PDP, Mr. Eric Ekanem, who spoke to one of our correspondents, said, "If you observe, you will see that those who attend PDP rallies and campaigns are often mobilised at the end of the event, where they are given between N200 and N2000 each.
"The amount each person receives depends on the groups they belong."
An Eket-based woman, Ms. Ikwo Edet, said she was paid N500 after the last political rally she attended in Uyo.
In Umuahia, Abia State, a source, who begged not to be named, revealed that unemployed youths, students of both secondary and tertiary institutions, tricycle and motorcycle riders, as well as traders form the category of individuals easily rented.
The source said the rent ranges from N500 to N3000, depending on the category of the individual and the importance of the political rally.
Confirming this, a tricycle driver, who identified himself as 'One Nigeria', said he did not belong to any political party but was ready to be hired by any party that could pay his charges.
Similalarly in Enugu State, SUNDAY PUNCH learnt that students are a major population hired for political rallies.
A student, who gave his name as Ebuka, told one of our correspondents that he had been part of a rented crowd in several rallies.
He said, "We have link men who are close to the politicians. Whenever the need arises, they usually get in touch with us. We are mobilised through these contact persons."
It was a similar case in Bayelsa State, where parties reach out to youth and women groups in the local governments area for mobilisation.
A regular participant in such rallies, Ms. Ebilami Victor, who hails from Ekeremor area of the state, said she usually took part in such activity because it was the only way to make money.
"It depends on where the campaign is taking place. If it is within the local government area, each participant is usually paid between N1500 and N2000. But if it is Yenagoa, the state capital, we are paid N3000.
"But when it is outside the state, each person is paid between N2000 and N5000," she said.
In Oyo State, there is a network through which crowds are gathered for political purposes. The ring is run by a women and men group, it was learnt.
Youths in Ondo State are also having a swell time attending political rallies organised by parties and candidates ahead of the elections.
A party member, who gave his name as Adedeji, who attended a Social Democratic Party rally in Akure, told one of our correspondents that each 'supporter' engaged by one of the candidates received N2, 500 to attend the rally.
Another supporter, an unemployed, who identified himself simply as Makinde, told our correspondent that he received N1000 to attend the rally.
In Cross River State, SUNDAY PUNCH learnt that political parties have resorted to contracting the job of hiring crowd to individuals or groups within the party.
Depending on the venue of the rally, the task of mobilising at least 1000 persons spread across the 18 Local Government Areas of the state could cost between N800,000 and N1m.
In the ruling PDP, one of such mobilisers, who preferred not to be named, said his last task of hiring 300 persons to a rally at the central senatorial district cost N1m.
In the case of Edo State, many of the supporters, who are predominantly youths, are sourced from both within the state and from neighbouring states.
A source within the APC said, "You know that there is unemployment and hunger everywhere. They can get N1,500 or N2,000, for transportation or feeding. If you are politically active, you would understand that you don't have to be a card-carrying member of a party to show your support," he said.
However, the APC insisted that in its case, crowds at its event venues were genuine Nigerians who were tired of the cluelessness of the PDP-led administration.
The National Publicity Secretary of the APC, Mr. Lai Mohammed, told SUNDAY PUNCH in an interview in Abuja that it was impossible for the party to hire a crowd for any of its events.
Similarly, the PDP said it did rent crowd or pay those who attend its rallies across the country.
The National Legal Adviser of the PDP, Mr. Victor Kwon, who spoke with one of our correspondent in an interview in Abuja, described anyone making such insinuation as a political novice.
***It is not surprising to see the All Progressives Congress (APC) quickly swinging into action denying the incident that occurred where their presidential candidate General Muhammadu Buhari (rtd) was stoned at Idumagbo area of Isale-Eko, Lagos by an irate mob while making his way to the APC Presidential rally in Lagos.
Some have described the incident as well deserving, considering the suffering inflicted on the people of Nigeria by General Muhammadu Buhari while he was Head of State, notably in the case of Lagos, the cancellation of the Lagos monorail project initiated by Governor Lateef Jakande. However, I belong to the school of thought that we must not repay evil with evil and as such cannot condone any form of violence or reprisal attacks on the person of General Buhari.
Unlike General Buhari who has a track record of maintaining silence as a tacit approval of violence conducted in his name, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and of course Lagosians do not abide by such principles.
The APC's disclosure that General Buhari rode in an open bus with the Oba of Lagos is a prime example of everything wrong with the APC leadership. Under the APC, our monarchs in Lagos have thrown caution to the wind, becoming openly partisan. I will leave my thoughts on this for another day, however I strongly believe such unethical, irresponsible and untraditional practices will come to an end when Governor Jimi Agbaje resumes office.
I admire Mr. Lai Mohammed's devotion to his role as the mouthpiece of a dysfunctional and sinking political party heading towards extinction. His loyalty to his oppressors is touching. That he chose to call into question my second ministerial nomination by overlooking my academic credentials and record of service to Lagos and Nigeria as the most experienced politician produced by Lagos State in contemporary democratic history, simply lends credence to his party's protracted challenge with academic qualifications from their National Leader Asiwaju Bola Tinubu to their presidential candidate, General Muhammadu Buhari whose inability to produce his secondary school certificate has assumed a scandal of global proportion.
Finally, whether the APC chooses to admit the stony welcome Buhari received in Lagos or not, our message and position on peace remains consistent. We must ensure on all sides that as the political campaigns gear up for the final weeks ahead, all electioneering activities are violence free.
Signed
Senator Musiliu Obanikoro
31/01/2015
Along the way, he cut a ruthless path through Asia and Europe that left untold millions dead, but he also modernized Mongolian culture, embraced religious freedom and helped open contact between East and West.
Explore 10 facts about a great ruler who was equal parts military genius, political statesman and bloodthirsty terror.
1. "Genghis" wasn't his real name.
The man who would become the "Great Khan" of the Mongols was born along the banks of the Onon River sometime around 1162 and originally named Temujin, which means "of iron" or "blacksmith." He didn't get the honorific name "Genghis Kahn" until 1206, when he was proclaimed leader of the Mongols at a tribal meeting known as a "kurultai." While "Khan" is a traditional title meaning "leader" or "ruler," historians are still unsure of the origins of "Genghis." It may have may have meant "ocean" or "just," but in context it is usually translated as "supreme ruler" or "universal ruler."
2. He had a rough childhood.
From an early age, Genghis was forced to contend with the brutality of life on the Mongolian Steppe. Rival Tatars poisoned his father when he was only nine, and his own tribe later expelled his family and left his mother to raise her seven children alone. Genghis grew up hunting and foraging to survive, and as an adolescent he may have even murdered his own half-brother in a dispute over food. During his teenage years, rival clans abducted both he and his young wife, and Genghis spent time as a slave before making a daring escape. Despite all these hardships, by his early 20s he had established himself as a formidable warrior and leader. After amassing an army of supporters, he began forging alliances with the heads of important tribes. By 1206, he had successfully consolidated the steppe confederations under his banner and began to turn his attention to outside conquest.
3. There is no definitive record of what he looked like.
For such an influential figure, very little is known about Genghis Kahn's personal life or even his physical appearance. No contemporary portraits or sculptures of him have survived, and what little information historians do have is often contradictory or unreliable. Most accounts describe him as tall and strong with a flowing mane of hair and a long, bushy beard. Perhaps the most surprising description comes courtesy of the 14th century Persian chronicler Rashid al-Din, who claimed Genghis had red hair and green eyes. Al-Din's account is questionable—he never met the Khan in person—but these striking features were not unheard of among the ethnically diverse Mongols.
4. Some of his most trusted generals were former enemies.
The Great Khan had a keen eye for talent, and he usually promoted his officers on skill and experience rather than class, ancestry or even past allegiances. One famous example of this belief in meritocracy came during a 1201 battle against the rival Taijut tribe, when Genghis was nearly killed after his horse was shot out from under him with an arrow. When he later addressed the Taijut prisoners and demanded to know who was responsible, one soldier bravely stood up and admitted to being the shooter. Stirred by the archer's boldness, Genghis made him an officer in his army and later nicknamed him "Jebe," or "arrow," in honor of their first meeting on the battlefield. Along with the famed general Subutai, Jebe would go on to become one of the Mongols' greatest field commanders during their conquests in Asia and Europe.
5. He rarely left a score unsettled.
Genghis Khan often gave other kingdoms a chance to peacefully submit to Mongol rule, but he didn't hesitate to bring down the sword on any society that resisted. One of his most famous campaigns of revenge came in 1219, after the Shah of the Khwarezmid Empire broke a treaty with the Mongols. Genghis had offered the Shah a valuable trade agreement to exchange goods along the Silk Road, but when his first emissaries were murdered, the enraged Khan responded by unleashing the full force of his Mongol hordes on the Khwarezmid territories in Persia. The subsequent war left millions dead and the Shah's empire in utter ruin, but the Khan didn't stop there. He followed up on his victory by returning east and waging war on the Tanguts of Xi Xia, a group of Mongol subjects who had refused his order to provide troops for his invasion of Khwarizm. After routing the Tangut forces and sacking their capital, the Great Khan ordered the execution of the entire Tangut royal family as punishment for their defiance.
6. He was responsible for the deaths of as many as 40 million people.
While it's impossible to know for sure how many people perished during the Mongol conquests, many historians put the number at somewhere around 40 million. Censuses from the Middle Ages show that the population of China plummeted by tens of millions during the Khan's lifetime, and scholars estimate that he may have killed a full three-fourths of modern-day Iran's population during his war with the Khwarezmid Empire. All told, the Mongols' attacks may have reduced the entire world population by as much as 11 percent.
7. He was tolerant of different religions.
Unlike many empire builders, Genghis Khan embraced the diversity of his newly conquered territories. He passed laws declaring religious freedom for all and even granted tax exemptions to places of worship. This tolerance had a political side—the Khan knew that happy subjects were less likely to rebel—but the Mongols also had an exceptionally liberal attitude towards religion. While Genghis and many others subscribed to a shamanistic belief system that revered the spirits of the sky, winds and mountains, the Steppe peoples were a diverse bunch that included Nestorian Christians, Buddhists, Muslims and other animistic traditions. The Great Khan also had a personal interest in spirituality. He was known to pray in his tent for multiple days before important campaigns, and he often met with different religious leaders to discuss the details of their faiths. In his old age, he even summoned the Taoist leader Qiu Chuji to his camp, and the pair supposedly had long conversations on immortality and philosophy.
8. He created one of the first international postal systems.
Along with the bow and the horse, the Mongols most potent weapon may have been their vast communication network. One of his earliest decrees as Khan involved the formation of a mounted courier service known as the "Yam." This medieval express consisted of a well-organized series of post houses and way stations strung out across the whole of the Empire. By stopping to rest or take on a fresh mount every few miles, official riders could often travel as far as 200 miles a day. The system allowed goods and information to travel with unprecedented speed, but it also acted as the eyes and ears of the Khan. Thanks to the Yam, he could easily keep abreast of military and political developments and maintain contact with his extensive network of spies and scouts. The Yam also helped protect foreign dignitaries and merchants during their travels. In later years, the service was famously used by the likes of Marco Polo and John of Plano Carpini.
9. No one knows how he died or where he is buried.
Of all the enigmas surrounding the Khan's life, perhaps the most famous concerns how it ended. The traditional narrative says he died in 1227 from injuries sustained in a fall from a horse, but other sources list everything from malaria to an arrow wound in the knee. One of the more questionable accounts even claims he was murdered while trying to force himself on a Chinese princess. However he died, the Khan took great pains to keep his final resting place a secret. According to legend, his funeral procession slaughtered everyone they came in contact with during their journey and then repeatedly rode horses over his grave to help conceal it. The tomb is most likely on or around a Mongolian mountain called Burkhan Khaldun, but to this day its precise location is unknown.
10. The Soviets tried to snuff out his memory in Mongolia.
Genghis Khan is now seen as a national hero and founding father of Mongolia, but during the era of Soviet rule in the 20th century, the mere mention of his name was banned. Hoping to stamp out all traces of Mongolian nationalism, the Soviets tried to suppress the Khan's memory by removing his story from school textbooks and forbidding people from making pilgrimages to his birthplace in Khentii. Genghis Khan was eventually restored to Mongolian history after the country won independence in the early 1990s, and he's since become a recurring motif in art and popular culture. The Great Khan lends his name to the nation's main airport in the city of Ulan Bator, and his portrait even appears on Mongolian currency
Source:Hostory.com
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